Tuesday, August 3, 2010

Uribe appointment undermines U.N. flotilla investigation

http://mondoweiss.net/2010/08/uribe-appointment-undermines-u-n-flotilla-investigation.html


It was announced yesterday, August 2nd, that outgoing Colombian president Álvaro Uribe Vélez will be the Vice Chairman of the U.N.’s four-member international committee tasked with investigating the Israeli commando attack on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla. On May 31st, Israeli forces attacked the MV Mavi Marmara, a Turkish ship manned by international activists delivering aid supplies to the besieged Gaza Strip. The ensuing confrontation left nine activists dead and dozens wounded and sparked international criticism of Israel.

Prior international investigations and condemnation have done little to change Israel’s colonial policies in occupied Palestinian territories. Appointing Uribe to this latest investigation preemptively undermines its credibility.

It’s difficult to catalogue and summarize the various political scandals that have plagued Uribe’s 8-year presidency. Three days before the announcement of Uribe’s appointment to the U.N. committee, the Colombian press reported the outgoing president’s verbal attack against Colombian Supreme Court Magistrate Yesid Ramirez, after Ramirez asked the nation’s prosecutor general to open an investigation into allegations that the president’s son, Tomás Uribe, bribed congressmen to ensure his father's re-election in 2006. The recent scandal is only the latest in one of many of Uribe’s public displays of contempt for the Colombian judiciary, the most famous of which was his outrage at the Court’s nixing of a referendum that would have allowed Uribe to run for a third presidential term.

More significant than political tumult or charges of corruption is Uribe’s contempt for international law, demonstrated by his government’s illegal use of the International Red Cross emblem in a hostage rescue mission in July 2008. Uribe admitted using the Red Cross emblem in the mission - which successfully duped the guerrilla into releasing several high profile hostages, including three Americans and one former Colombian presidential candidate – but dismissed the violation as a “mistake” committed by a soldier in a “state of angst”. Immediately following the mission, the Red Cross released a statement urging all sides to respect the ICRC emblem, but did not pursue the issue further. The Geneva Conventions prohibit improper use of the Red Cross logo.

As Uribe’s new appointment entrusts him with investigating the deaths of civilian activists, the most alarming aspect of his 8-year tenure is his government’s well-documented history of killing civilians and then presenting them as fallen guerrilla fighters or “terrorist sympathizers”. Starting in 2008, it was widely reported that the Colombian military had an established practice of luring poor young men from their homes with promises of employment, and subsequently killing them and presenting them as combat casualties. The practice not only served to stack battle statistics, but also financially benefited the soldiers involved, as Uribe’s government had, since 2005, awarded monetary and vacation bonuses for each insurgent killed. Human rights groups cite 3,000 or more of these so-called “false positives”. In response to the scandal, Uribe dismissed some of the military’s high command. But even when his critics are proven right, as was the case with the “false positives” scandal, Uribe steadfastly maintains a rhetoric that equates human rights defenders with armed terrorists. His attitude was most famously exemplified in a speech made in 2003:

“In Colombia, every time a security policy to defeat terrorism appears, when terrorists begin to feel weak, they immediately send out spokespeople to talk about human rights.”


Israeli claims that participants in the humanitarian aid flotilla, including those who lost their lives, were likely linked to “terrorist” organizations seem to echo Uribe’s vitriol. After the May 31st Israeli massacre in international waters, Fox News reported Israeli ambassador to Denmark, Arthur Avnon, as saying:

“Before the flotilla entered Israeli waters, rumor had it that the organizers [of the aid initiative] had links with the al Qaeda terrorist network… The people on board were not so innocent ... and I cannot imagine that another country would react any differently.”


One might surmise that Israel bowed to international pressure to participate in the U.N. probe because it sees a kindred spirit in Uribe, hardly an impartial arbiter of international humanitarian law and human rights. While the eventual outcome of the probe is still uncertain, Álvaro Uribe’s participation as Vice Chairman calls into question the sincerity of the U.N.’s investigation.
____


Carmen Andrea Rivera is an independent journalist and activist based in Berkeley, California. She is currently a producer on the weekly radio magazine La Raza Chronicles (KPFA, 94.1 FM). Nico Udu-gama is an activist based in Washington, DC.

Saturday, June 5, 2010

Self Defense Onboard the Mavi Marmara was Legitimate

Israel, in dovish gestures of reconciliation, is now saying that those activist arrested today after noon onboard the MV Rachel Corrie are real human beings, with whom dialogue and reason is possible.

"We saw today the difference between a ship of peace activists, with whom we don't agree but respect their right to a different opinion from ours, and between a ship of hate organised by violent Turkish terror extremists ... waiting for our soldiers on the deck with axes and knives," the Israeli prime minister's office announced.

Less than a week after Israel's early morning commando raid of the Turkish-flagged humanitarian aid ship Mavi Marmara - part of the Free Gaza Freedom Flotilla designed to break the 3-year naval blockade of the Gaza Strip - Israel's defenders have gone from brutally murdering peace activists to becoming the judges of who is a really a "peace" activist and who is not.

Israeli talking-heads cited that activists "complied" with Israeli marines' requests to board the ship shortly after 9am on Saturday morning, the Apartheid state opting for ladders to board the vessel instead of masked-commandos dropped from helicopters. Of course, while Israel may disagree with these activists, it will be shown as proof positive that Israel tolerate disagreements with its policies as long as you submit to its methods and procedures. The activists aboard the MV Rachel Corrie, though they disobeyed Israeli calls to "voluntarily" reroute to the port of Ashdod, surely knew that any resistance to Israeli attempts to board their ship would be crushed with deadly violence.

However, let's be clear that it was only because of overwhelming world-wide condemnation of Israel (with the obvious exception of the United States) following the May 31st massacre onboard the Mavi Marmara that Israel's trigger fingers were calmed. That, and the fact that close to half of the activists onboard the MV Rachel Corrie were of Western European citizenship (the rest were Malaysian citizens); it's more uncomfortable for Israel when white people are killed or injured. EVERYDAY in Palestine - in the West Bank and Gaza - people are shot, maimed, tortured and imprisoned for peacefully resisting occupation. In demonstrations against the Apartheid Wall in the West Bank, it doesn't matter if you throw stones or you throw your hands in the air, Israeli soldiers aim at your head with live bullets or rubber-coated steel bullets. They will beat you, they will maim you, and if they can get away with it, they will kill you. The only reason that they are allowed to continue is because most of the world does not care about Palestine or Palestinians.

The ending of the occupation in Palestine and the breaking of the siege on Gaza will not come about only by passive resistance to Israeli crimes and massacres. Sabotage, property destruction and self-defense, while they should not be the primary focus of struggle, are legitimate responses to occupation, invasion and racism, and should be employed. We should salute activists aboard the Rachel Corrie and the Mavi Marmara, as well as Palestinians and peoples around the world engaged in struggles of liberation, for their courageous and heroic stances.

Thursday, April 29, 2010

UC Berkeley Student Senate and the Dangerous Politics of Neutrality

http://www.kaosenlared.net/noticia/universidad-california-berkeley-israel-peligrosa-politica-neutralidad

Early this morning, the University of California Berkeley’s student senate voted 13 – 5 (with one abstention) to override the veto of a bill calling on the University to divest from General Electric and United Technologies, two U.S. companies supplying helicopters and weapons to Israel. Fourteen votes were needed to override the student government president’s veto; the bill failed. A similar action at UC San Diego was tabled (read: it will be killed, too).

Just like that. In the face of the overwhelming facts presented about the 2008-09 Israeli aggression on Gaza and of unbearable life under occupation, UCB’s senate unfortunately took the moral low ground, the road of indifference and shame well-traveled by all U.S. politicians. A road that equates ‘neutrality’ with allowing U.S. companies to support racist occupation and equip Israel with the bullets and bombs needed to cut down Palestinians. A nausea-inducing road that insists that any hint of criticism of Israel means that you hate Jews.

To those who voted for divestment, I must admit, it took courage. I imagine that it’s not very often that the Israeli consul general and the rest of the AIPAC (the main U.S. pro-Israel lobby) make a visit to a university in order to exert pressure. As AIPAC campus brainwasher Jonathan Kessler [1] remarked shortly after the initial passing of the bill in March, “we’re going to make sure that pro-Israel students take over the student government and reverse the vote… This is how AIPAC operates in our nation’s capital. This is how AIPAC must operate on our nation’s campuses.”

(No doubt student government president Will Smelko had already been primed long before he delivered his veto, blocking divestment, claiming that there wasn’t enough “debate on the topic”. He chose to ignore over 6 hours of democratic debate held prior to the initial passing of the bill.)

The students who supported divestment also had to listen to a psychotic ex-IOF (Israeli Occupation Forces) soldier – “The IDF always takes care of Palestinians!” - and a sprinkling of over-privileged JAPs (Jewish American Princesses) – “I feel scared now”. No amount of presentation of facts during last night’s 4-hour debate (not including two prior all-night debates) could keep Israel supporters from tying divestment to hate-attacks on Jews. Though the bill targeted U.S. companies who supported the Israeli occupation of Palestine, throughout the night I cringed at the interpretation offered by divestment opponents that no bombs and weapons for the occupation meant that the Nazis would come out of their closets and round up Berkeley’s Jews. Does San Francisco contemplating the sanctioning of Arizona because of that state’s racist policy against immigrants mean that people will start attacking white people on the BART? Ok, maybe it’s not exactly the same thing, but the point is, hate crimes and racism will exist even if G.E. and United Technology go out of business. Supporting the racist occupation of Palestine and the murder of Palestinians only facilitates blind and bigoted racist attacks on pro-Israel supporters.

How many times in America do we hear the same argument raised again and again when talking about the Israel-Palestine conflict, that “we just don’t have enough information”? Those senators who voted against the bill out of a sense of ‘neutrality’ are just as guilty as those paid to whitewash the crimes of Israeli occupation. Their quick path to the halls of success in the U.S. Congress is polished with the blood of Palestinians.

But, for those of us who refuse to ignore injustice, who can’t help but dry-heave when the occupation of Palestine is viewed as a ‘safety measure for Jews’, who can see through the double-speak, our work was never easy, and never will be. So there is no point in hanging up the towel now. After supporters of divestment left the MLK center, distraught over the outcome, one man addressed the crowd and reminded us about that the first time students pushed for divestment from Apartheid South Africa, they failed. The second time, the National Guard was called out. And the third time, they won.

We are winning.

[1] http://www.muzzlewatch.com/2010/04/07/aipac-well-take-over-the-uc-berkeley-student-government/

Sunday, March 21, 2010

Hello

Sometimes, nowadays, as I sit around and reflect, images of Palestine come racing back. Little snapshots of times spent laughing my heart out, playing a joke; running from a low-hanging cumulous cloud of tear gas, or cursing the faceless soldier whose bullet whizzes past my face; feeling the impotence of life under occupation. There was hoola hooping with little Sarita outside her home in Sheikh Jarrah, occupied by people carrying out ‘God´s will’. For her, it was playtime; for me, a chance to break the routine of watching out for trouble, to just pretend for a second that after playing, we’ll go back into her house and I’ll sit her down on my knees in front of the TV, and everyone will be laughing and eating sweets and talking about local gossip. But that won’t happen today or tomorrow. Maybe never.

I think about this circle of violence that always seems to run through history, looping over and over again like a broken record. Around me, in my everyday immediacies, I can find examples of change, or at least some hope that things will change. A friendship, an understanding, a good community, a local butcher. Then I take a step back but the rest of the world seems to be spinning out of control. A 16 year-old boy killed in Nablus, shot in the back by another faceless soldier. Or a quiet American woman named Ellen, to whom everything seems to happen, this time finding herself on an operating table, the doctors removing a Israeli rubber bullet from her shattered wrist.

The U.S. is having disagreements with Israel over planned Jewish construction in Jerusalem! The media tells us of Israeli restraint, of the worst ‘diplomatic crisis in decades’. Do they dare remind us how a few years back, there was another ‘crisis’ when Israel planned to build in Jabal Abu Ghneim, near Bethlehem? Yes, there was a ‘crisis’ then, too. But now go to Jabal Abu Ghneim – now known mostly by its Israeli name, Har Homa – and you will see that there are no more trees, just concrete and Israeli flags. How easily we forget.

And so, we are turned again to Palestine and the Palestinians. Always this indecipherable blob of something to us. They never have the right to be individuals, just a collective enigma, a pestilent sore that won’t go away. They have no right to be lovers, fathers, sisters, dreamers, wanderers, achievers, punks. Just this body of stuff upon which history repeats itself. They aren’t allowed to break from the cycle of violence. It just happens to them.

I don’t have much to say, really; I just think too much these days. The spring is coming, to Europe, to Palestine, to Berkeley, California. There are birds outside my window. Green buds on tree branches. But I feel nervous.

There’s a little turtle in an aquarium beside me, and he is always moving about. If I put my finger in, he eagerly comes out of his shell to investigate it. He’s always scratching at the glass trying to get out. I wonder if he feels anxious.

Saturday, March 20, 2010

Belgrade 5-o

"Passports, please!"

That was the Serbian police officer's welcome as my Belgrade-Budapest train left the station. Ok, here you go. After flipping around the pages, he seemed to not find what he was looking for. He frowned, then his face lit up.

Almost smiling he said: "You are in offense. You did not register with the police after 24 hours in our country. You must get off the train with me in Novi Sad, go to the judge and pay 300 euro."

I just stared at him, disbelieving. Just what I needed. As if to prove that he wasn't lying, he asked the sobbing Swedish girl next to me (he wasn't crying for me: she had just left her boyfriend) to produce her registration card, which she did. She's a Swede, damn it, of course SHE would know that stupid law. Stupid Scandanavians.

But my police officer was already thinking.

"I will call my superior and see what I can do." He left, only to reappear after 2 minutes, still smiling. "Come with me, I am not sure I can help you. Please bring your stuff."

The other Serbian student in my cabin told me not to worry as I grabbed my stuff and followed Happy Cop #1 into the hallway. He directed me into the next cabin, which was empty. There were two options running through my head: either they were going to beat me with their batons, or mine their American treasure chest.

I looked like a total sucker.

"Well, I will try to get you a lower offense, with a lower fine. I'm trying to do everything for you, because I think you are nice." I was literally shaking out of the excitement of having to bribe a police officer. That would be fun. "Let me make another phone call." He stepped out the cabin. Through the reflection in the window, I could see him stand in the hallway, put the phone to his head, and say nothing. He returned after 45 seconds, still smiling. Cocky SOB.

"Well, I lied for you and said that you had lost your card. He said that you can pay 50 euro here on the train and no problem." Well, I admitted, I only have some 3,000 dinar on me (about 30 euro), but I also have some Macedonian money.

He didn't miss a beat. "No, that's ok, pay what you can in dinar." He wadded the bills behind his badge in his police wallet, those types that they flip open when they show you their badge and say: "POLICE. Can I take your money?" Classic.

The milking complete, the new story began, with a better ending. "You know," he relaxed into his seat. His colleague, who had been silent the entire time, continued staring out the window. "I like Americans. I just don't like your government."

"That makes two of us."

I don't think he expected that because he proceeded to interrogate me about my position on Kosovo (I don't have a strong opinion, but I toed the official line: no separatism!), about Obama (he's the same!), and Iraq and Afghanistan (where's that?). Having satisfied his curiosity, he relaxed some more. We proceeded to discuss the merits of not voting in a system where you don't have real choices. He believed that all governments were crap. My heart sang: "An anarchist! He's an anarchist! La la laa dee daa!" He was shocked to learn that we don't have universal health care in the US; he was under the impression that the empire takes everything from the rest of the world to take care of (US)Americans. I learned that the bribe I just paid him was 10% of his monthly salary; but, he exclaimed, "we here in Serbia have fun with or without money!"

The politic discussion fast melted into talk about girls, music, parties. He was really into 50cent. (What's with that? I saw 50cent concert posters all throughout the Balkans. Apparently, he is on his "Before I Self Destruct" Tour. Lame.) I told him that 50cent was crap, and he should check out Dead Prez, or maybe Immortal Technique (the image of Immortal Technique ripping off his shirt in concert to expose another shirt with a hammer and sickle made me think that Happy Cop #1 would like him.) Do I have Facebook? (After so many random people asking me to join, I feel like I MUST be missing out on something here.)

Happy Cop #2 joined in the party and played some Billy Idol on his phone. They started arguing, each telling the other to turn down the music so that I could judge which music was better (Tupac won). They liked my joke about George Bush jumping out an airplane. I honestly forgot to tell them my "a string walks into a bar" joke.

After over an hour of laughing (I am sure my previous cabin-mates next to us must have been wondering what the hell was going on), they had to leave the train at Novi Sad. We said our goodbyes. I was wondering if out of conscience, he would return the money, but he didn't. That's ok, it was worth it.

As he left, he turned around and asked me, "Are the police in America like me? I mean, do they talk to you?" I told him that generally, they blow, but there are good ones. "Are most Americans like you, really friendly?"

I thought, not usually; only when we get to bribe police officers.

Wednesday, March 17, 2010

The Mystery Land of No Borders

At 5:57 in the morning, I managed to crawl into the train leaving the Thessaloniki station. I don't know how I did it, but somehow I managed to avoid a repeat of Barcelona New Year's 2009 fiasco, when I fell asleep at the airport gate, just missing my flight to Milan. At the Macedonian border, I got out to breathe some of that cold, crisp air. I sat down and enjoyed the scenery and pondered in my drunken bliss. We had partied all through the night. I felt like a silly 20-yr old again. Then those happy memories of me and Taz singing "Billy Jean", wearing transparent food-handling gloves, drunk on Greek chipero, shots of tequila and amaretto (so classy!), in some Thessaloniki karaoke bar suddenly turned into a moving train, marching on, leaving me behind...

It was the train. I ran and somehow managed to open the door and jump in as the platform pulled away behind me. My fellow passengers seemed relieved that I had made it, but my avalanching hangover only permitted a meek smile in response. We were now in Macedonia, Skopje-bound, racing along those railway lines that once stitched together Tito's vision of an ethnically diverse yet harmonious Yugoslavia. A dream that seemed to just fall to pieces...

The Balkans. I never imagined coming out here. Least of all ordering something called "Pig Hunger" from a small Skopjan restuarant. Don't worry, it turned out to be be just a piece of deep fried pork with french fries, and I tell you, it's the breakfast of champions. My goal was to get to Sarajevo, and I was told by the curious ticket saleswoman that I could 'simply' take a bus to Pristina and from there, anything is possible. Yes. My last memory before I passed out again in the bus station was: "Who is this woman across from me reading 'The Audacity of Hope'?"

1:18. I wake up and realize that the bus is leaving in 2 minutes and I don't know where I am. I'm only thinking "No more Barcelona!". I managed to find my bags at the locker and run to the bus and hop in. I've forgotten my manners. No "Buenas" greeting to everyone in the bus. But that's ok, they don't speak Spanish.

We pass another border, this one somewhat more contested that the Greek-Macedonian one. We are entering the "Free-World's" newest country... ladies and gentlemen, introducing Kosovo. One thing I will realize on the rest of my trip is that border stamps seem to be arbitrary. It's as though old Yugoslavia still exists, and I am just passing from one area to the other. What used to be areas of a federation are now countries! Imagine if Florida became it's own country (then we could bomb Little Havana...). But when I leave Macedonia, I get no stamp, nor do I get one entering Kosovo, or leaving it. I don't get one leaving Montenegro or leaving Bosnia. What the hell is this?

Back to the story. Still with me? Kosovo is a mass of mountains and mines. I meet a frustrated Italian furniture salesman ("Cazzo! These people don't know real style!") who tells me that parts of Kosovo used to yield three crops a year. Other than that, at least in the winter, it is snow and mud and yuck. Or maybe that was my hangover still clouding my judgement.

But about 2 hours south of Pristina, I wake up as the bus stops. One man speaking English with an Eastern European accent gets off the bus, followed by an African American dude with a red bandana and a growing belly. His accent and demeanor catch my attention. A fellow traveler? I watch him as he exits the bus, looks around, and smiles at some men in a car who were waiting for him. The Eastern European has already left. The bus pulls off.

I connect some dots later. The town we pass after the 'drop-off' is Ferizaj. The biggest employer in Ferizaj, and undoubtedly all of Kosovo, is right there: US Camp Bondsteel. I've heard rumors that you can see it from space. One of the US' big wins from the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo and the ensuing NATO bombing of Serbia was Camp Bondsteel, built by Kellogg, Brown and Root (KBR; similar to Halliburton) and destined to replace US 'tenancy' of German and other European bases (as focus shifts more on the Middle East and its oil). In fact, that little train from Thessaloniki to Skopje most likely passed over a network of pipelines, all of which is neatly under Camp Bondsteel's 7,000-man watch. I remember reading an article a few years back about how US military bases in the Balkans, namely Kosovo, were acting as mini-Guantamo's in the US 'War on Terror'. It made me think what those Americans in civilian clothing were doing out there. It's understandable why the Americans were so eager for Kosovan independence, and why some Serbs still still hate America (we also bombed them in 99 and put them under sanctions, Iraq-style), though we still claim that our Kosovo intervention was purely humanitarian, even "charity" or a "mission to civilize the Serbs". A sign outside the bus station in Pristina waves an American flag and in big, bold letters: "Bill Clinton".

The only interaction I had with an angry Serb was in a small village 2km away from the site of the July 1995 Srebrenica massacre, where over 8,000 Muslims were exterminated. (While Bill Clinton kept up an arms embargo on the Bosnian Muslims at the beginning of the 90s, he was at least able to send over $1 million for a memorial. Thanks, Bill!) Afterwards, returning to the town of Bratunac, I had talked with an Austrian master sergeant of the LOT EUROFOR observer mission who told me that while this area used to be Muslim, under the Dayton Accords which pacified the tensions, Serbs were allowed to take over, and now account for over 90% of the population. However, the two groups "don't fight anymore. Sometimes they argue, but that's normal."

Mind you, I was in Republika Srpska, the autonomous region of the Federation of Bosnia and Hercegovina, dominated by Serbs. (Republika Srpska practically covers half, or more than half, of Bosnia, if you eyeball the map.) Eyes had been watching me then, as they had while I ate Serbian goulash and read a biography of Tito. As I waited in the bus station, a middle-aged police officer in a leather jacket with the insignia of Republika Srpska approached me and asked for my passport. The other passengers watched on curiously. "American? Huff!" he exclaimed. He took my passport for further inspection, though he really didn't know what to do with it. Just to show that Americans are not too appreciated. (Many Serbs acknowledge that while they did wrong, their grievances weren't understood...). I just smiled and thought about how stupid cops were.

But that was the only incident. Here in Belgrade people have been warm and friendly, and understand that it was "the government, not the people". We carried out collective punishment, collateral damage, for the crimes of Milosevic. They wisely point out Iraq and Afghanistan. My friends here lived under sanctions, and remember how a 500,000,000,000 dinar note was once printed, a doctor's monthly salary could buy a liter of gas and the only shows on TV were Mexican soaps like "Cassandra". I can imagine why now, young people just want to party and have fun. Last night we hitch-hiked through Belgrade, getting rides with two young potato salesmen and some young punks hotboxing their car, and ended up in some weird Goth, Rammstein-blaring rave/bondage underground bar. As we took the bus back home, the rising sun cast its rays on an old bombed out building, 5 minutes from the American Embassy, unexploded NATO bombs still inside the wreckage. Apparently, the Serbs don't have the expertise to defuse them, and the Americans haven't sent over a team yet.

It was the same in Sarajevo, the city where Gavrilo Princip and the "Black Hand" triggered WWI with the magnicide of Archduke Ferdinand and his wife. I walked past the market where a bomb killed 68 civilians (its disputed if Bosnian rebels purposefully killed their own people, or it was the Serbs who were laying seige to the city for 4 years), past the bullet-ridden stores and homes, the rebuilt mosques and churches. Maybe 10,000 people died or went missing in the city alone. People are tired of war, they want to move on. Ironically, there is a debate in Serbia whether or not to join NATO (!). I was told by the Italian that the only calm place is in Montenegro; my memory is a 2am bus station bar in Podgorica, sleeping at a table, while old, toothless men boozed up on Montenegran Rakija (close to vodka, or Greek ouzo, or Colombian aguardiente... I am becoming an expert). Seemed calm enough.

I recommend seeing "Lepa Sela, Lepo Gore" (Pretty Village, Pretty Flame). It's by a Serbian director, and while I think it still is biased (the Muslim protagonist in the end seems darker and more evil, while the Serb protagonist remains white, albeit with a mixed conscience), it does a fairly good job of relating the reality. (Much better than "Hurt Locker", which made me almost throw up.)

That's enough long writing. Wherever I go, I meet amazing people, generous with time and smiles. They've lived war and conflicts, poverty and revolution, and they manage to keep going. Despite all the politicking, the backstabbing, the collateral damage and the deceit, they continue. Trying to be happy and being normal amidst the madness can be a pretty revolutionary thing.

Hasta pronto...

Friday, March 12, 2010

Decisions

Yesterday, long after the 20,000-strong march through Thessaloniki had ended, and chants were replaced by car horns, and the tear gas had dissolved over the sea, and the rock I warmed in my pocket had long since taken flight, I found myself sitting at the train station. No buying tickets to Skopje: the railway employees were on strike. (Greek newspapers put strike participation around 90%. Pretty impressive.)

As I sat, I saw a Greek taxi driver trying to understand a man who was pleading for help in Arabic. Two young kids approached me, greeting me with "salaam aleikum". They were Afghanis. Gesturing for my phone, they said "Missed call!" The smallest of the two had a fresh pink scar under his right eye, but seemed to be always smiling.

As they made their missed call (93 country code IS Afghanistan, right?), the Syrian man approaches me and asks if I speak Arabic. Imagine my surprise when he showers me with kisses when I understand him. The story: they have all - there are more immigrants inside the station - been let of out jail yesterday night after spending over a month in prison. When they were arrested at the Turkish border, the police, claiming they were 'mafiosos', confiscated all their money, and took the batteries out of their cell phones. They released them at the Thessaloniki train station. I thought about Amadeu Casellas, the Spanish anarchist jailed for robbing banks to fund workers' struggles, who was released around the same time.

There were also some Algerians and Syrians who later came up to me. We talked about Palestine. I remembered 14-year old Ehab who lays in a coma after the Israelis shot him in the head in An-Nabi Salih. They had traveled far, only to be stuck in the 'doorway to Europe' and they hated Greece.

The story quickly dissolved into attempts to get 'a brother' to send money from Germany via Western Union through my name. Phone calls. Missed calls. Food. Taking pictures. I talked to young Sarah on the other line who was supposed to be the niece of the Syrian man, but didn't know him and was terrified that he was yelling at her to get her father. I tried to talk to her. "Spricken Deutsch?" I wasn't sure why I asked that, because I don't speak any German myself. But she responded in Arabic, "my father isn't home." The Syrian was getting hysterical and I was starting to get annoyed with him. What else COULD he be? What else could I do?

The Greek taxi driver came up to me after awhile and asked why I was doing all of this. I replied that wherever I had been, people had helped me, so why shouldn't I help them? He told me about how he once helped some Afghan immigrants and they jumped out of his car without paying, after he had driven them down from Thessaloniki. Yes, I said, anything can happen.

I said goodnight to Europe's newest economic and political refugees, and promised to return this morning to see if we would have any success with Western Union. I asked a Palestinian kid who had a few euros on him if he would leave to Athens, where he had a contact. He said that he would wait until everyone was ok. Solidarity?

In the morning, the Afghans were gone. Their missed call to Afghanistan had called back with contacts for Athens. The Athens friend had contacted and had somehow helped them. I was happy. At least one good story. A young Algerian was ecstatic that the card I bought him allowed him to talk to his sick mother. The Palestinian was still there.

And the Syrian was passing between bouts of depression and anger. He frustration at times turned on me when I couldn't understand everything he was saying. We walked to Western Union, followed by a North African - presumably Algerian - who claimed to be Syrian. Algeria asked me:

"Are you Muslim?"

I winced at the question, because I hated getting it, but I knew how to respond, and everyone who had ever asked me didn't mind my reply.

"No."

His smile faded. "Fi muskila?" I asked if there was a problem.

"Yes. Fi mushkila."

I looked away as the Syrian man yelled at him. His defense of me didn't prevent me from wanting to smash the Algerian. The Algerian quietly said he was joking and patted me on the back, but I didn't say anything. I didn't want religion and their anger at the West to be played out on me, but could I help it? Could he help zealously being proud of the last thing that gave him a shred of dignity over the sleepless nights, the jail, the hunger and the dirt? The Palestinian had asked me if lying to an Orthodox priest - they told him that they were Christian Arabs in order for him to give them food - was bad. I had told them that he may have given it even if he knew they were Muslim. He disagreed. Inside, I questioned myself: had the priest known, would he have helped?

The Algerian played his hand at asking for cigarettes. I refused. I could imagine the anti-immigrant debaters laughing at me. You sucker, they are taking advantage of you! They are all the same!

I wanted to run, to leave them and never come back. To not care about what happened with them. There were thousands of people rotting all over the world, trying to survive, why the hell should I take care of these people? I still don't know. Maybe another day I would have seen them in the train station and not paid attention. Maybe I would be in a rush. Maybe I would be that person walking with his girlfriend, too in love to see the misery of the world. Maybe I would be that traveler in two days passing by them with my bags on my way to Skopje, passport in hand, ready to have a new adventure.

In about 40 minutes, I leave to go back and find out if we can do the Western Union deal again. I'm nervous. What else can I feel?

http://www.immigrantsolidarity.org

Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Greece on the Move

First of all, Happy International Women's Day... belatedly.

Most of my week here in Thessaloniki has been surprisingly not-Greek oriented. I've been learning more about the past (and present) conflicts in the Balkans rather than conflicts here in Greece. Well, we do what we can. So much of the news has not been dedicated to the general strikes happening around the country, but rather to the Greek Paris Hilton: Julia. (If you do a Google search of "Julia Greece", you can download the singer's porn video that is so shocking Greece.)

Thessaloniki is not the picturesque Greek I expected, or that we see in the movies or travel guides (duh). It's a fairly large port city whose streets resemble Barcelona's L'Eixample neighborhood, albeit with narrower streets and far more traffic. And it's cold now, the wind really bites into your face as you walk down Nikis (Victory) Boulevard, past the statue of Alexander the Great (one dispute Greece has with neighboring Macedonia is that the name Macedonia is part of Greek heritage and can't be used by a largely Slavic population... boring) and the "White Tower". The White Tower is the symbol of Thessaloniki. It was an Ottoman Empire-age prison whose stone walls used to be stained red with the blood of executed prisoners who were hung from the cornice. It was whitewashed after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.

One thing I miss about the Middle East was not having to do street battle with my arch-nemesis: dog shit. It's bountiful here.

'
I'm reading a book right now called "Unholy Alliance", about Greece's alliance with Milosevic's Serbia. Greece was the only NATO and EU-member nation that supported (and very much openly so) the Serbs during the Balkan wars. The author, reknowned Greek journalist Takis Michas, claims that this alliance was due in part to religion and a shared sense of history. Both Serbs and Greeks are Orthodox, and viewed the wars as an attack by the Muslim Crescent (with Greek's arch-rival, Turkey, somewhere in the background pulling the strings) and the Catholics (the Croats, Vatican, etc.). Serb chetniks helped defend against Nazi occupation during WWII. And something about ancient kingdoms allying at the border of the Ottoman and Hapsburg empires. Greek Orthodox priests visited and prayed with Greek paramilitary units working alongside Serb Chetnik forces, the same forces who committed some 90% of human rights violations during the war. In short, Greece likes Serbia.

In setting up an understanding of this alliance, Michas describes early in his book three facets of Greek ethnic nationalism (which he opposes to civic nationalism, or being Greek based on universal citizenship rights). Religion (Greeks hold on to the uniqueness of their Greek Orthodoxy), shared geneology (the Hellenic culture) and language (Greek).

I mentioned to my friend that this type of nationalism, in my opinion, was similar to that experienced in Israel, where language, shared geneology and religion plays a big factor in "Israeli" collective identity. If you are not able to fully enjoy these three qualities, you are not really Israeli. Just ask any Arab citizen of Israel. Al-Jazeera reported recently on Israel's immigrants, many of them children born and bred in Israel, who may be deported at the end of the summer back to their countries of origin.

My friend didn't much like the comparison, but questioned how someone who wasn't "really Greek" could become a citizen; with so few Greeks (11 million), allowing so many immigrants in would make Greece "less Greek". Apparently, she is on the conservative side of the debate that is raging over the PASOK (socialist) government's proposal to grant citizenship to all their immigrants. A good article by Douglas Muir points out that even the current Archbishop of Athens (the head of the Greek Orthodox Church), is actually an "Arvanite", ethnic Albanians incorporated into the Greek state at the time of independence. No one even realizes this, and he points it out to show that Greek culture is not static and is capable of admitting many cultures and still retaining its identity.

To be fair, proportionately, in seems as though Greece is taking in the lion's share of undocumented workers. For a cash-strapped country, that can cause a heavy burden. (UPDATE: Thanks to Carmen for pointing out the idiocy of this previous statement.In her words, "anti immigrant movements are racist and always have been." I agree and pardon the previous statement). I remember as I crossed the Turkey-Greece border, there was one black youth on our bus. As soon as we entered Greece, I knew there would be problems when the border police started looking at him sternly. He was taken off the bus and detained, on the suspicion that his passport was fake.

Of course, not everyone shares my friend's point of view. Last year, after a Pakistani youth died in police custody, people took to the streets and battled the police. At least among the anarchists, it was seen as another example of the police brutality that caused massive rioting in December 2008. On March 20th, there will be demonstrations held for allowing immigrants - children especially - to become citizens.

Greek society seems to be super dynamic, and changing everyday. The strikes called against the EU and the privatization schemes as a response to the debt are constants. There was an uproar over a recent suggestion by German MPs that Greece should sell some of their islands, an overtly imperialist and patronizing statement that sent Greeks running around rumoring a second German occupation of the nation. This Thursday is another strike here in Thessaloniki and I'll be sure to be there.

Meanwhile, popular 'expropriations' of food are still being carried out against large supermarket chains, and in Robin Hood style, the goods are being distributed in needy communities. Enjoy the video!

Tuesday, March 9, 2010

"A Letter Home", from Palestine


A friend from the International Solidarity Movement, the group I was involved with in Palestine, wrote a beautiful letter about the recent events in Palestine. It makes me cry, and I would like to share it with all of you.
___________

Hi All,

I hope this letter finds you well.

A brief note: It has been brought to my attention that people were reluctant to forward or respond after news of the raids in February. Anything I send out is intended for as massive an audience as possible, and it’s really critical that people continue to do the great job that they have done of forwarding on. Similarly, I really appreciate hearing from people and your emails in no way endanger either of us.

I’m sorry it’s taken me so long to write a new update. To be entirely honest, things have been increasingly difficult and the thought of writing home has been too intimidating to even consider.

This morning as I watched the sun rise over Sheikh Jarrah, I finally found a way of verbalizing what it is that’s been going on.


Events I reference: Bulldozer destruction near Bethlehem to build the apartheid wall: http://palsolidarity.org/2010/03/11629

The shooting of Ehab Bargouthi, age 14: http://palsolidarity.org/2010/03/11666

The destruction of Bidya’s natural spring: http://palsolidarity.org/2010/03/11679

The beating by riot police of five ISM activists (myself included) on Saturday night following a Sheikh Jarrah solidarity demonstration. We were standing on a sidewalk. This story hasn’t been published yet due to legal considerations; check the website in the next few days.



A Letter Home


There are moments where I just can’t take it in. Palestine—something tangible that you could hold in your hand—or more precisely, something slipping between your fingers before you can really know what it is you’re losing. Something beautiful. We are witnesses to more destruction than we will ever comprehend.

I watch the girls walking to school in their navy uniforms and I wonder how they fit into Israel’s 100 year plan.

I sit in the fig tree in Sheikh Jarrah and wonder if Saleh will be able to collect the fruit that ripens this autumn.

The al-Kurd house is in court tomorrow. When the petals fall from the roses blooming in the walkway, who will sweep them up?

Ehab’s chest rises and falls with the steady force of the ICU respirator. His olivey feet, scrubbed impossibly clean, reach beyond the wadded up sheets. Somehow they are perfect and human. A reminder of the entire person hidden behind the head swaddled in a manner reminiscent of playing “mummies” with rolls of toilet paper. Whether he will live or die is anyone’s guess. And I am told to approach his anguished mother with “Alhemdullileh, Allah salamtu”. Praise God. Thanks God everything is always ok.

On a live Rachel Corrie special for Tulkarem TV, I take a deep breath and promise the cameras that the American people are good. That we don’t know what we are doing and if we did, we would stop. In that moment and in every breath before and since, I am begging and pleading the gods I don’t believe in—please, somehow, could this be true. Would we stop? Can my home place, with its glacier-capped peaks and loamy farmland, ever understand the horror of bulldozers the size of two-car garages gently scooping ancient olive trees out of the pungent earth? Can my people ever see that they give $20 to Oxfam to rebuild the school their year-end taxes destroyed? No stack of Benjamins can reconstruct the children plucked from this god-forsaken holy land, each as fragile and loved as Ehab.

As the settler father leaves the house this morning, he carefully pushes his daughter’s stroller with one hand; closes the gate and then tugs his shirt over the pistol at his waist with the other. Who are those bullets for? The mother of five who sits in a plastic lawn chair across the street from her home? Her son, 20, who watches his father routinely arrested for refusing to allow his dignity to be swept away with last night’s bonfire ashes?

We can stand in the secluded basin, the sun beating down on the olive trees, but it’s too late to stop the five pale-legged Israelis dumping bag after bag of concrete into the village spring. The soldiers protecting the sun-hatted settlers make us close our cameras—it’s a Closed Military Zone. They stare, arms crossed, as I search their faces for an answer. Does any one of them truly believe that “security” justifies gratuitous vandalism? One dark-eyed boy is surely no older than I. If only he could know the hospitality which advises me, “You are welcome in your home”. If only he could hold sleeping five-year-old Samaa, her dark hair fanned out across the blankets, and wonder if she will live to see al-Aqsa. If only he could know that after the riot cops beat us Saturday night, someone produced a giant box of sandwiches. Would he ever again protect the destruction of something so simple and pure as a natural spring?

Palestine is slipping through our fingers. Every one of my International friends (family?) has dissolved in tears this week. Most of our friends in Sheikh Jarrah have been, or live in fear of, arrest for resisting the confiscation of their family homes. Four have been arrested in the past 36 hours.

I will never forget the feeling of being violently ripped from my friends, both Palestinian and International, as we were beaten to the ground that night. In a tangle of arms reaching for each other, being dragged by the hair as others’ heads were kicked like soccer balls, I realized I felt no concern for my own safety. The safety of the people I love; the communities we belong to; are frighteningly threatened. If there should be anything for little Samaa to grow up to; any figs for Saleh to collect this fall; any reason for Ehab to awaken from his coma; we must act in ways stronger than a few dollars carelessly tossed at erasing Israel’s destruction.

We must end systems that use bulldozers to smash swingsets in order to build walls of 25-foot-high concrete slabs. We must act to redirect your income from planting a bullet in Ehab’s skull. We must act because Palestine is slipping away, and there is no way to describe the beauty of an olive grove or a spring or a teenage boy. These are things that America destroys without knowing.

Shukran, Thanks,

E.S.

ISM reports: palsolidarity.org

What can you do? bdsmovement.net

Film showings are always a great idea. Occupation 101 and Peace, Propaganda and the Promised Land are available at freedocumentaries.org


Every U.S. man, woman, and child, gives roughly $8/year for Israeli defense spending.
Every U.S. taxpayer gives roughly $18/year for Israeli defense spending.

Monday, March 1, 2010

A Glimpse into the Netherworld of Jordanian Industrial Zones

I remember once when I was in Beirut's Hamra district, waiting for a take-away order of corn and ketchup breakfast pizza (it's tastier than it sounds, trust me). This tiny woman in a short, pink dress was ordering bread from the owner, who was attempting to seduce her with big grins and flour on his face. She definitely was south-asian, and my curiosity got the better of me.

"Are you Sri Lankan?" She sheepishly smiled and said yes. We talked a little bit more about where exactly she was from, about my background, and I think I tried to throw in a little bit of Singhalese, in vain. Well, nothing happened; she got her bread, I got my strange pizza, and we went our separate ways. But I had heard so much about slave-labor conditions of Asian immigrants in the Middle East that this encounter left me wondering, I wonder what she goes through.

Yesterday I left Palestine, passing Jericho on the Rehavam Ze'evi highway and crossing the Jordan valley over the King Hussein Bridge. (Just a sidenote about that highway: Rehavam Ze'evi was the ultra-right wing Minister of Tourism who supported the idea of forced relocation of Palestinians. He was assasinated by a PFLP hit-squad in Jerusalem in 2001, in revenge for the assasination of PFLP leader, Abu Ali Mustapha. The PFLP - Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine - is in theory a Marxist organization founded in the 60s to fight Zionism and is considered a terrorist organization by the US of A; the Abu Ali Mustapha Brigades is the military wing. The highway, ironically, is given Ze'evi's nickname, "Gandhi", not because he promoted non-violent resistance to occupation, but because as a bespectacled lad in the army, he was skinny and the nickname stuck.)

The rains were heavy as I got into Amman, but today they eased up. I have always thought Jordan to be boring, an Amman is just one big slab of concrete. People always tell me to go see Petra, and I'm sure it's beautiful, but that gets old after awhile. So I decided to take a peek at Jordan's free-trade zones. Of course, I haven't read enough or been here long enough to openly pass judgement, so I will do so silently. (Free-trade zones = slave labor? At least, that's the story, right?)

I had just visited the tomb of the historic PFLP founder, George Habash, located in a quiet Christian-only cemetery just east of the Sahab suburb of Amman. Sahab is a industrial zone area, a dirty, glum concrete jungle. The industrial park stretches for miles, with 18-wheelers constantly coming in and out of guarded compounds, headed for neighboring countries by land, or to further destinations, leaving their goods at Jordan's Red Sea port city of Aqaba.

My taxi driver was confused when I told him to drive into the Al-Tajamouat Industrial Zone. The security guards seem to be bored and just nodded at us. Al-Tajamouat got a lot of bad publicity after the US-based National Labor Committee ran a series of articles and publications about sub-human work conditions at the zone; you can read more here. The managing director was trained by USAID after Jordan and the US signed a Free Trade Agreement in 2000. I walked around. There were many closed restaurants, with signs written in Hindi and English, proclaiming that they served authentic Indian, Bangladeshi and Sri Lankan food. There are a few international call centers, offering calls to Sri Lanka for .02 dinars a minute (about 3 US cents). And of course, there is a Western Union, the scavenging vultures of the capitalist world.

I walk into a small store. Two middle-aged men, speaking Bengali, are buying some cardamom and some other spices. There are plenty of spicy red chilies for sale, and I see a bottle of woodapple jam, bottled by that ubiquitous Sri Lankan brand, MD. Then my eyes light up as I spot a package of Lemon Puffs. After so many years, that yellow package can still make my mouth water (screw you, Switzerland). I buy a pack.

The owner is a Bangladeshi, and we converse in broken Arabic and English. When I ask him about how conditions are here, his smile fades and he stops talking. Then he says "Ok, bye bye". I take that as an invitation to leave. Maybe I smelled bad. Or maybe he was worried that I was an informant.

I continue to walk around. Lots of buildings with small windows. At one building, hundreds of people are pouring out. They seem to be workers, all South-asian, mostly men, but with a few women as well. I walk in where the workers are leaving. At the end of the corridor, a security guard is locking the door as the last worker leaves. The worker spots me and directs me back out. "Problems for you", he says quickly in broken Arabic. "Are you Sri Lankan? Looking for work?"

Amusing that he thinks that this hippie-looking little pansy appears to need a job. No, I confess, but how is work here? "Not good," he mutters and quickly walks away. I overhear a group of women speaking Sinhalese, and I ask them where they are from. Colombo. They ask me what I am doing here. I tell them that I heard about this place and wanted to find out how life was here. They say "fine" and then "ok, bye bye."

I decide not to enter the buildings labeled "Dormitory K" and "Dormitory J". That seems too personal, too soon. I walk past another restaurant, where a group of men are standing around a delicious smelling pot of curry and dipping in and laughing. I wanted to eat, but felt that maybe I should let them relax and enjoy without having a nosy trouble-maker poking around with Lemon Puffs in his hand.

Well, I'll leave you all with a link to this video by the National Labor Committee, called "The Hidden Face of Globalization".

Friday, February 19, 2010

Zionists Tour Sheikh Jarrah

Last week in Sheikh Jarrah, a group of Zionists visited the area to show solidarity with racist Occupation and Israel's policy of ethnic cleansing. Your blood pressure will increase considerably while watching the video, so afterwards, go smoke a joint or play in the sun.

I haven't been writing much because recently I have been doing a lot of the tourist bit, as well as putting together a proposal for a fellowship. Lots of thoughts out there about Palestine, just not getting them written down. Thus the reliance on other people's videos and articles. Sorry.

Friday, February 12, 2010

Video from An-Nabi Salih

From http://palsolidarity.org:

Collective Wall-Building Effort Baffles IOF in An-Nabi Salih

"Israeli army and border police used tear gas, stun grenades, rubber- and plastic-coated bullets, live ammunition and “stinky water” to disperse close to 150 Palestinians who tried to reach their village well in An-Nabi Salih. The villagers were accompanied by over 20 Israeli and international solidarity activists.

Following mid-day prayers, protesters marched towards the well and their agricultural lands but were immediately confronted with tear-gas and rubber-coated bullets. A group of 50 settlers from the neighboring settlement of Halamish watched as the Israeli Occupation Forces attacked the Palestinians. In total, 14 protesters were injured, including one hit in the face with a tear gas canister.

The march began in its usual fashion. Villagers, Israelis and internationals descended the hillside to attempt to plant olive trees in the settler-occupied land. As the contingent came within 50 meters of the road that splits An Nabi-Salih, IOF soldiers launched 15-20 tear gas grenades in rapid succession. The group went up the hill to regroup and there was an hour-long lull in the demonstration.

During this respite, a smaller group of Palestinians, Israelis and internationals began tending to the fields near the road dividing the settlement and the village. In unison, they moved large boulders and rocks to build a series of three retaining walls that will further the growth of the crops in An-Nabi Salih. Differences that seemingly divide some were forgotten in that respite from the tear gas. Words such as “ownership” and “territory” were not a part of the repertoire.

The group’s project moved them closer to the road and the 6 soldiers guarding it. As the laborers approached, the soldiers appeared flabbergasted as they didn’t know how to handle such a situation. Those soldiers knew only force and how to implement it to repress, but this show of solidarity was something quite different then anything there training had taught them. Confused looks were all they could muster.

The irony of building walls collectively wasn’t lost to the group, when barriers physical and social that keep two cultures far from one another pervade their daily lives. These walls were different. They didn’t divide, they were not impassable. These walls unified. They paved the way for An-Nabi Salih future crops. Crops that would come to fruition, in some degree, being nurtured through the solidarity between two cultures. It may be awhile, but perhaps they’ll be able to sit at a table, lacking the presence of soldiers, tear gas and conflict, and enjoy the fruits of the labor.

Wall construction ended when shots were heard from the southern edge of the village. ISM activists battled clouds of tear gas with hands visibly extended in order to reach an An-Nabi Salih home, containing women and children, which had been surrounded by IOF forces. Soldiers thankfully descended the hill after several tense moments.

Barricades were set up on the main road leading to An-Nabi Salih, using rocks and burning tires. At around 2pm, a group of soldiers entered the village from the southwest side and fired rubber-coated bullets and tear gas at protesters, endangering villagers trapped inside their homes. “Stinky water” was used twice on protesters.

At around 5pm, a group of approximately 8 soldiers occupied the roof of a villager’s house, firing plastic-coated bullets and tear gas at protesters below. The villager reported that when soldiers entered his home, they pointed their guns at him and told him not to move or they would kill him. Four adults and six children were trapped in the house until the soldiers left, but not before damaging the family’s internet receiver, located on the roof.

Thirty minutes later, the soldiers entered the same home again, cutting the back-yard fence in order to pass through. An ISM activist present at the house was told not to film the soldiers’ actions. When the activist continued taking pictures from the entrance of the home, one soldier threw a stun grenade that exploded less than 3 meters from the activist and a young child.

The protest ended around 6pm, when soldiers began to use live ammunition.

The weekly Friday demonstrations in An-Nabi Salih commenced in December 2009, in protest to the uprooting of hundreds of olive trees by settlers from Halamish settlement. Construction of Halamish settlement began on farmland belonging to An-Nabi Salih and neighbouring villages in 1977. Conflict between the settlement and villagers reawakened in the past month due to the settler’s attempt to re-annex An Nabi Salih land despite the December 2009 Israeli court case that ruled the property rights of the land to the An Nabi Salih residents. Despite the Israeli District Co-ordination Office’s promise to allow the village unrestricted passage to the land, farmers have been barred and violently assaulted when they attempted to access the land in question. An Nabi Salih’s resistance mirrors the ongoing resistance in Bi’lin, Ni’lin and the burgeoning popular struggle in Sheikh Jarrah, Iraq Burin, Burin and Al-Ma’asara."


Sunday, February 7, 2010

In Defense of Rock Throwing




In the latest phase of Palestinian resistance to occupation on their indigenous lands, the "Popular Committees" are getting complete (and often derogatory) coverage by the Israeli and foreign media. While the basic demands that Palestinians are fighting for - access to their land, an end to the construction of the Apartheid Wall, an end to settlement growth, etc. - are often overlooked, there has been much talk about the "violence" of Palestinian resistance. It has become almost the norm in the media that the Israeli army uses toxic gases, sound grenades, rubber bullets and plastic-coated steel bullets (note the distinction: the steel bullets actually have a 1/8" plastic coating, which delivers a extremely painful punch) against Palestinian demonstrators. Even when live bullets are shot (which is not rare), the Israeli and foreign media protest little.

But there is usually always a distinction in the press between "peaceful" Palestinians and "violent" ones, usually the youth. They are "violent" because they throw rocks at soldiers. This division is usually echoed by "peace-loving" foreigners, who many a time I have heard question why Palestinians resort to throwing rocks. It seems strange to some that a people who have had their lands stolen and are continually harassed, arrested, beaten and killed, would resort to throwing rocks against a vastly superior oppressive force, armed with the latest weaponry.

Sometimes you can hear foreigners saying, "Oh, you should check out Bil'in. It's much more peaceful. Nilin is crazy. They are hard-core: they fight the army." There becomes a neo-colonialist, paternalizing attitude to judge which resistance is more "legitimate".

But many Palestinians are starting to reject the idea that resistance means being humiliated, slapped around and arrested, while the world watches to see if the Occupation will eventually disappear on its own. In An-Nabi Salih, a village of 400 people northwest of Ramallah, I was talking with a member of the town's Popular Committee, formed a little over a month ago to coordinate weekly demonstrations against the theft of the town's water spring by the adjacent settlement of Halamish. He correctly pointed out that despite the "peaceful" resistance of Bil'in, many of their leaders are in jail and the army has begun night raids of the village.

"We invite internationals to come and support us. It's important to see what is happening and tell the world. But we don't want internationals to come and tell us how to run our demonstrations. It's our land that was stolen, why can't we resist?" He explains to me over breakfast before the Friday demonstration that with the repression against the Popular Committees and peaceful protests increasing, Palestinians may find inevitable a return to armed struggle, a situation he feels would not be productive.

In the first demonstration that the villagers of An-Nabi Salih coordinated, olive trees were taken as symbols of peace and a return to their stolen land. Despite their peaceful first intent, the army would not allow them to demonstrate and used heavy force to break up the march. Subsequent demonstrations saw the army enter the village, beating men and women, and in one case, throwing gas into a house full of children.

This past Friday, the villagers decided not to back down. Even before we had reached 20 meters past the last house in the village, the army had opened up their arsenal against us. However, the villagers set up barricades - made of boulders, burning tires and trash cans - on the roads leading to the village and for over four hours in the cold and rain, managed to keep the Israeli army out. Some 10 Palestinians were injured with gas and rubber- and plastic-coated bullets.

With the resistance spreading all over the West Bank, Israel continues to crack down on foreign activists who are talking about what's going on. This morning, Israel raided the ISM apartment in Ramallah - in full violation of the Oslo Accords which gave total control of "Area A" areas like Ramallah to the Palestinian Authority - and once again, arrested and are trying to deport two compañeras. Aside from citing expired visas, the Israeli Occupation Authorities claimed that they "were known to be involved in illegal violence". Documenting the "legal" violence of the Israeli army is a crime. I encourage more would-be criminals to come out to Palestine and break the law. International and Israeli presence at these marches is crucial to prevent a complete assault against the Palestinians.

Many people think that resisting occupation means that Palestinians hate Israelies, or Muslims hate Jews. While that idea might represent a small minority of people, the overwhelming majority of people simply want freedom, and they have a right to resist oppression. When Britain occupied the United States, we used more than just stones to resist. Lots of people died, and yet now there is peace (and Tony Blair lives in the American Colony Hotel). Germany occupied France at one time, now they trade sauerkraut and frogs legs. Racism and imperialism continues to oppress the Native Americans, even if they aren't rising up with sticks or guns. So talk a break from debating Palestinian "violence" and throw some rocks.

More information on the Popular Resistance, see www.awalls.org

Monday, February 1, 2010

Settler Attack in Sheikh Jarrah



The accompanying article about what happened on Sunday can be found here.

Sheikh Jarrah. Shit. Occupation sucks. Check out some photos here.

Wednesday, January 20, 2010

Brasil: Fueling Aggression, Financing Apartheid

Yesterday, a rainy day here in Palestine that saw the Al-Ghawi family tent blown over by winds as they continue their months-long protest against their unjust eviction in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, marked the one year anniversary of the end of the Israeli war on Gaza. Over 1,400 people were killed, thousands more injured, and the infrastructure left in ruins during the course of Israel's 22-day aggression, nicknamed "Operation Cast Lead".

Of notoriety were Israel's Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) - or drones -, such as the Predator and the Heron, which not only carried out reconnaissance missions crucial to Israeli's deadly "targeted strikes", but which were also used for bombing missions in the Strip, resulting in a high number of civilian casualties. Amnesty International claims that many drones dropped bombs containing small, cube-shaped shrapnel that did considerable physical damage on contact; a Syrian film-maker told me this July that he met many Gazans who had limbs amputated from this type of shrapnel, though they were at a considerable distance from the site of bomb impact.

In December, the Israelis signed at $91 million contract with the British RAAF to supply drones in the fight against the Taliban in Afghanistan. Increased drone attacks in Afghanistan and Pakistan have been blamed for hundreds of civilian deaths over the past year. The Heron TP, or Eitan, a newer, beefed-up version of the Heron, which can carry more than a ton of ordnance and which is thought to have been developed for war with Iran, was also "battle-tested" in Operation Cast Lead.
(Brasilian soccer star Ronaldo greets Shimon Peres in Brasil)

Unfortunately, now the Brazilian government has ignored the demands of national and international civil society groups calling for the ban of arms purchases from Israeli defense groups, and instead has signed a deal for $350 million to buy the Heron UAV, the same model used in the Gaza affair, for use by the Brazilian police. In November, Lula met with Israeli President Shimon Peres, accompanied by Israeli Defence officials and Elbit Systems and Israeli Aerospace Industry officials, to discuss the arms purchase. The Brazilian government justified the purchase on the pretext of fighting drug trafficking on its extense borders and gang activity. A few weeks prior to the November visit, Brazilian police claim that a helicopter was shot down over a favela in Rio de Janiero using a "short-range rocket". Poverty, gang wars, and ruthless policing have killed thousands in the Brazilian slums. Brazil will be host to the coming 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic games, security for these events being another pretext for the deal.

When the first three UAVs arrive in Brazil by April 2010, they will be the first to be employed by a police force. The implications are worrisome. Not only will drones – possibly armed with bombs – be patrolling the skies over the Amazon, their presence over the favelas reaffirms the military presence in Brazil’s most marginalized communities, to the detriment of more just and lasting social solutions. Furthermore, the mammoth deal not only legitimizes Israel’s criminal use of these instruments of death in the occupation and repression of Palestinians, Brazil’s money lends key support to Israel’s economy. The Boycott, Divest and Sanctions (BDS) movement, born in Palestine, has been working with civil society groups and governments around the world to stop funding Israeli Apartheid in Palestine, similar to the South African boycott movement of the 1980s. The BDS movement is such a threat to the Israeli economy that dozens of non-violent Palestinian activists have been the targets of threats, harassment and detention. In September, after meeting with Norwegian officials, Stop the Wall Youth Coordinator and BDS activist Mohammad Othman was detained by the Israelis, though no charge was pressed against him. Citing “ethical concern”, the Norwegian government had recently dropped its plans to invest a pension fund in Elbit Systems, maker of Israeli drones and security cameras for the Apartheid wall. Othman was released on January 13th.

Becoming a world leader requires not just military and economic strength. By militarizing the slums of Rio and supporting the occupation of Palestine, Brazil is losing the moral high ground. Grassroots organizing is key to ending the Israeli occupation and building true solidarity between the peoples of the Global South.

Sunday, January 17, 2010

Bill and George (and the world's) Excellent (Haitian) Adventure



At the Ramallah house party Friday night, I was drunk out of my mind when I started getting nauseous. But I assure you it wasn't because I had been wine-tasting and goat cheese-eating all day, followed by a bout of binge-drinking whisky-sours and nursing (another few) bottles of merlot. It was a classic case of politically-motivated nausea. In my case, this sickness sometimes manifests itself as diarrhea, but now I just wanted to blow chunks.

As it happens, a participant in the Friday night revelries was a worker with a generic international NGO that works here in Palestine, helping to "formalize business relations between Israeli and Palestinian companies" (read: "normalization of occupation") and "promote investment by multinationals into Palestine" (read: "exploit that cheap labor pool created by 27% unemployment in the West Bank, and more than 60% in Gaza"). I almost bit a chunk out of my glass listening to her. Trying my best to listen to her, I changed the subject to the "horrfying" (I believe those were my words, with added drama) earthquake in Haiti.

"Oh yes," came the chipper reply,"now we're hoping to open offices there as soon as possible."

And so it begins (or continues). The restructuring of and profiteering from Haiti. As I continued binging, somewhere in Washington, DC, two dudes were hammering out their high school thesis on Haiti's history and restructuring. Published on January 16th in the New York Times, Bill Clinton and George Bush's op-ed spelled out the vision for a new Haiti, in quite open terms.

"It’s a long road to full recovery, but we will not leave the Haitian people to walk it alone. When the rebuilding begins, we will need even more support to make Haiti stronger than ever before: new, better schools; sturdier, more secure buildings that can withstand future natural disasters; solutions that address the inequalities in health care and education; new, diverse industries that create jobs and foster opportunities for greater trade; and development of clean energy.

There are great reasons to hope. For the first time in our lifetimes, Haiti’s government is committed to building a modern economy..."

We won't let Haitians walk alone. Of course not. Unfortunately for the bleeding-heart liberals and neo-con revisionists, Haiti has been trying desperately to walk alone since the Spanish conquista. From the rebellion of the indigenous Taino under Anacoana, to the swords of L'Ouverture and Dessalines, to the image of a crucified Charlemagne Peralt who resisted the U.S. 1915 invasion, to democratically-elected Aristide, Haiti has been trying to be independent. Following the second Aristide coup, the UN had to send in a hugely unpopular and highly expensive pacification force so that black Haiti wouldn't "walk alone."

According to Peter Hallward of the Guardian, "since the late 1970s, relentless neoliberal assault on Haiti's agrarian economy has forced tens of thousands of small farmers into overcrowded urban slums," creating what my nausea-inducing fellow party-goer may deem a cheap labor pool for multinationals. (By the way, Dagan, that Hawaiian Red Dirt shirt you gave me in New York and was subsequently stolen in Egypt - along with my glasses! - was made in Haiti. But thanks anyways. I know, I'm an ungrateful bastard.) Many build their precarious homes on tree-less slopes, tree-less partially due to a crushing UN oil embargo that caused fuel shortages in the 1990s, forcing people to cut down the forest. Haiti rivals the Bahamas for the Western Hemisphere's highest AIDS index.

Bill and George even say that, India aside, Haiti has the most NGOs per capita working on its soil. How is it that so many NGOs haven't been able to stop three-quarters of Haiti's population, prior to the earthquake, from surviving off less that $2 a day? Why has billions in foreign aid been poured into Haiti and yet not much has changed?

Below the mundane and tiresome "humanitarian" goals lie the more nefarious stuff. Naomi Klein reported on a article from the Heritage Foundation, entitled "Things to Remember While Helping Haiti." Some things we have to remember, they say, are:

"While on the ground in Haiti, the U.S. military can also interrupt the nightly flights of cocaine to Haiti and the Dominican Republic from the Venezuelan coast and counter the ongoing efforts of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez to destabilize the island of Hispaniola. This U.S. military presence, which should also include a large contingent of U.S. Coast Guard assets, can also prevent any large-scale movement by Haitians to take to the sea in dangerous and rickety watercraft to try to enter the U.S. illegally... Congress should immediately begin work on a package of assistance, trade, and reconstruction efforts needed to put Haiti on its feet and open the way for deep and lasting democratic reforms...The U.S. should implement a strong and vigorous public diplomacy effort to counter the negative propaganda certain to emanate from the Castro-Chavez camp. Such an effort will also demonstrate that the U.S.’s involvement in the Caribbean remains a powerful force for good in the Americas and around the globe."

The Heritage Foundation posted that on January 13th, as Cuban medics were already on the ground and before Haitians scarcely knew what had hit them. Klein mentions that we shouldn't look at articles like this as "conspiracy theory", because it has happened in the past, and she documents it pretty well in "The Shock Doctrine". We'll help the Haitians walk, alright; emaciated and on crutches, but they'll walk. As long as they stop rebelling against racism and imperialism and for independence, we'll continue to provide aid, and we'll make a nice profit in the meanwhile.

I say, yes, let's help Haiti. But it's more than just pouring in money and feeling good about ourselves. We have to fight imperialism and the free-market system that touts 'democracy' without economic justice, that divides us into rich and poor, black and white. Long after the immediate effects of the January 12th earthquake wear off, it seems as though Haiti will be caught up in a much bigger, and potentially more deadly, political and economic earthquake, unless we stand up in solidarity for Haiti's popular struggles for self-determination.

(Ah, enough ranting. I'm going back to play Grand Theft Auto IV, my window into the real world.)

Update: Natasha sent a great video. Thanks!

Monday, January 11, 2010

"La repressión israelí se intensifica"

For all you beautiful Spanish speakers:

"La historia muestra que los movimientos palestinos siempre han intentado la vía pacífica antes que la militar, pero ésta siempre ha sido diezmado por Israel en la ocupación de Palestina."


Artículo en Kaosenlared.net: http://www.kaosenlared.net/noticia/represion-israeli-contra-movimiento-palestino-intensifica

Sunday, January 10, 2010

Israeli Army Enters Ramallah to Arrest International Activist

Once again, the impunity of Israel. As has been mentioned before, the wave of repression against Palestinian activists has increased in the past few months. There was Mohammad Othman, Abdallah Abu Rahma and Jamal Juma, three high profile arrests of Palestinian non violent activists starting in September. There was the killing of the three men in Nablus's city center. The weekly demonstrations against the wall met with repression (yet, in spite of this same repression, more and more villages are forming Popular Committees Against the Wall).

And to top it off, international activists who are supporting these movements are being targeted. On December 18th, the Israeli Occupation Forces arrested Ryan Olander, a Minnesota resident who had been supporting displaced Palestinians who had been evicted from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah. Olander has been in prison ever since.

Last night at 3am, the Israeli army entered Ramallah, the principal city in the West Bank, drove with armored tanks into the main square, and arrested the International Solidarity Movement's Media Coordinator, Eva Nováková. Below is a copy of the report sent out this morning:

"Just before 3am the Israeli Army invaded Ramallah. They moved towards the area near Al Mannara. Outside the home of ISM Media Coordinator Eva Nováková, the army occupied rooftops, with several armored personnel carriers in the street. After beating on the door of her apartment, soldiers woke her neighbours, then broke down her door. Ten soldiers entered the flat, demanding identification from Eva and her housemates and questioning all of those present. All those inside the house were questioned about their names and activities. Soldiers also searched the apartment, claiming they were looking for weapons. According to witnesses when Eva was identified the immigration police arrived to take her away. Eva was only allowed to change her clothes in the presence of a soldier. She was then taken from her apartment. Her current whereabouts are unknown. The raid lasted around ten minutes.A local person said 'You think you are safe in your own house, but they come in the night and bring terror into your home'."

The issue of course, is that if Israel is arresting the observers, what does that mean for the Palestinian movement which they are principally trying to undermine? What will come next for a Palestinian non-violence movement struggling to survive in the face of so much repression? (Bono wrote in a NYTimes opinion piece that he is hoping for a 'Palestinian Gandhi' in the new decade.)

Please pass the word on. Come on out and support the Palestinian struggle!

UPDATE (30 minutes later): Eva was just informed that she will be deported today.

Saturday, January 9, 2010

Enduring the Freeze in Sheikh Jarrah

Actually, despite the title of this entry, Palestine has had a pretty warm winter. Israel's Haaretz newspaper reported that while liberal Europeans were suffering through the heavy winter (serves you right!), young couples were basking in the sun on Tel Aviv's Mediterranean beaches. I'd like to say I'm working on my tan, but I'm slacking.

However, if my stuffy nose and watery eyes are proof, nights can be chilly. Especially if you're a Palestinian living in Sheikh Jarrah, in East Jerusalem. A small neighborhood north of the Old City, on the Ramallah-Jerusalem route taken by bus #18, Sheikh Jarrah is ground zero for Israeli expanisionist plans and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. A small group of international solidarity activists huddle around the fire outside the makeshift tent of the Al-Ghawi family, set up and destroyed (five times) since August 2, 2009.


That day, 53 Palestinians from two families (the Al-Ghawi and Hanoun families) were violently evicted from their houses by Torah-wielded and rock-throwing settlers, a number of them of French and American dsecent. Some looked like your regular old stoned out hippies sporting NorthFace backpacks. (Occupation isn't carried out by hulking monsters with big fangs; it's the apparent normality of it that scares you.) Since then, a number of young couples pushing Prospect Park-style super baby carriages have occupied the home, celebrating Hannukah with a giant Menorah on the rooftop, smugly overlooking the Al-Ghawi family across the street, sipping a coffee or tending to their baby. The settlers are watched 24 hours-a-day by private guards and police, while solidarity activists hold their own 24-hour vigil against settler attacks.

Nearby, from outside the Al-Kurd family home, occupied in December of 2009, you can peer through the window and (creepily, I admit) watch the (even creepier) young settlers bed down for the night on mattresses amidst strewn clothes and furniture. It more resembles a college dorm. And that's the salt on the wound: these settlers aren't 'settling' in just yet; they are keeping the Al-Kurd family out until this month's hearing in a Jerusalem court. Meanwhile, Mr. Al-Kurd receives guests in his tent, located inside the compound, and we watch, nonplussed, as the settlers side-step the tent and into the house. It's in your face.

The Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood was given to 28 families in 1956, following an agreement between the UN and the Jordanian government, then in control of Jerusalem and the West Bank. The families had been refugees of the earlier 1948 expulsion of Arabs from Palestine. However, after the 1967 occupation of East Jerusalem and the West Bank, the Sephardic Community Committee and the Knesseth Yisrael Association presented claims that the land was historically Jewish and thus, sought the eviction of the Palestinian families. A secret agreement between the two parties' lawyers allowed for legal recognition of Jewish ownership of the land, and Palestinians as protected tenants, which has used to evict families considered mere "tenants". Other Ottoman-era documents disprove original Jewish ownership.

Historical documents aside, there is open suspicion that settlers want this land in order to form a continuum of Jewish ownership over East Jerusalem, stretching from the Old City to Hebrew University and onto the West Bank settlements, which would effectively cut off the Old City to Northern Jerusalem Palestinian neighborhoods. Evictions, coupled with house demolitions and restriction on building permits for Palestinians, are the tool to complete this plan. Immediately southeast of Sheikh Jarrah, in Wadi Hoz and Silwan and neighboring communities, Palestinians are being silently pushed out.

Though Jerusalem's Palestinians (ironically considered "citizens" of Israel, compared to their West Bank counterparts) comprise of close to 35% of the city's population, only 5-10% of the municipal budget is spent in their areas, according to a confidential EU report published last year.

While settler violence in Sheikh Jarrah - including stonings, knifings, spray painting and harassment - continues unstopped, many Palestinians and activist have been detained. Every Friday, Israeli activists supporting the evicted families try to march to Sheikh Jarrah but are stopped, gassed and cuffed. One international activist, Ryan Olander, from Minnesota, has been in jail for 3 weeks, pending deportation.

Last night, the settlers had friends over for what I imagined to be a delicious Shabbat dinner. It was hard to stomach seeing the happy smiles and warm hugs exchanged at the doorstep, especially as the al-Ghawi family watched this tragicomedy unfold from the street outside their own home. Mr. al-Ghawi's was shaking with rage as he hassled them in Hebrew. Some settlers looked away, while others yelled back and hustled their sleeping babies upstairs.

Just a few days ago, Defense Minister (the title 'Minister' sounds so esteemed; can we use 'Thug'?) Barak declared that building permits for the West Bank settlements will be allowed to be issued, reneging on the administration's proposed 10-month 'freeze', already 6 weeks into effect. This would allow constructions on homes to be built the day the 'freeze' ends. It's all a joke. The West Bank settlements continue to expand and East Jerusalem is slipping away. All the while, Middle East 'envoys' and 'negotiators' express 'dismay' or 'regret' that Israel is continuing its expansionist plan. Tony Blair, a frequent guest at the American Colony Hotel (fitting for Blair, I believe), has only to walk 200 meters from the hotel to see what is really happening every day (and night) in Sheikh Jarrah, but the clown is obviously too busy pulling in the cash from his lecture series.

Meanwhile, for what it's worth, we'll continue to come out, endure the 'freeze' and bear witness to Israel's ethnic cleansing of Jerusalem. You can support by writing a letter to your representatives asking them to demand Israel remove the illegal settlers from the Sheikh Jarrah families' homes. For more information, you can see the International Solidarity Movement's website: www.palsolidarity.org
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